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“Vol.2] - No.3

ceSIGN ¢

October - 194]

THE SIGN, a monthly publication, is owned edited and published at Union City, N. J., by the Passionist Fathers. (Legal Title—Passionist Missions, Inc.) Subscription price $2.00 per year, in advance; single copies, 2o0c. Canada, $2.00 per year; Foreign, $2.50 per year.

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Entered as Second-Class Matter, Sep- tember 20, 1921, at the Post Office at Union City, N. J., under the act of March 3, 1879. Accepted for mailing at special rate of postage provided for in Par. 4—Sec. 538, Act of May 28, 1925.

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Copyright by THE PASSIONIST MISSIONS, INC. 1941

CUNTENTS

ARTICLES PIONEERS OF AMERICAN TOLERANCE..... Theodore Maynard Revuan vo vie Foas,........s<s0.+.0tte Edward Doherty THE DEFENSE-BooM DEPRESSION.......... John C. O’Brien SouTH AMERICAN WELCOME. ......... Joseph F. Thorning Tue Powse or Gop..........sneccunen Xavier Welch C.P. Nazi WorsHIP OF SELF..............0- Louis J. A. Mercier DU, PO ev cuc cha huhwukaweee Richard Ginder EDITORIALS THE SicN SEMINAR REPoRTS..... Theophane Maguire, C.P.

eee wee eee wee wee eee esreseeeees

SHORT STORIES

THE House oF Success........ Katherine Haviland-Taylor Mr. MIcHAEL BACKS THE ANGELS............. Enid Dinnis

THE PASSIONISTS IN CHINA

A TrurE DAUGHTER OF ST. VINCENT DE PAUL

Bonaventure Griffiths, C.P. YUANLING CONFIRMATION......... Kieran Richardson, C.P. PARAUEN EG THOM 5.0.6 oc kd cis cbiiwnd Wendelin Moore, C.P.

FEATURES—DEPARTMENTS

anes, “MONON. oo ec ceeecsace Fe sr Renn eae 2 RESOLUTIONS OF THE SIGN SEMINAR.............ccceccees QUESTION FOR A LATER Day—Poem......... Jessica Powers CouNnsEL From Cana—Poem........... Clifford J. Laube SOGGRE DO WOMAM sas v0os 0n'0escntedude Katherine Burton CRUE AND DONNNE. o.oo onc 00ss cee nenanensaaa Jerry Cotter THE SicN Post: QUESTIONS AND LETTERS..............4+. CROs oki ca CRAESS SOEs ERE EAE SSeS SID nrc os dh ince SA ee 4 els 2 ee Ea ae ee GeEMMaA’s LEAGUE—CONFRATERNITY ............0-ceceeees

Cover Drawing “Christ, our Leader” by Mario Barberis

135 139 143 146 155 158 175

131 132

150 171

162 164 166

130 134 154

© Some PARENTS are familiar with the species of youth known as Joe Col- lege, Esq. There are heated disputes in many homes as to whether the jitter- bug freshman of to- day has sunk far below the level of his father’s genera- tion. Rev. RicHarp GINDER is not satis- fied with so recent a comparison. He goes back centuries to unearth some rather amazing tales of students of those distant days. Che younger generation will enjoy this unusual piece of college history.

Not long removed from the classroom, this young priest studied at Duquesne University and under the Sulpician Fathers at the Catholic University in Washing- ton, D. C. He is stationed in the Diocese of Pittsburgh. The Catholic World, Columbia, The South Atlantic Quarterly, as well as our own pages, have carried his

Rev. Richard Ginder

conti ibutions.

+ Wu N you

fairly

pick up a story by Epwarp Donerty, it is that you won't care to be interrupted. [he Chicago journalist writes with a punch. His long experience in newspaper work developed an early talent for bringing out the human interest in all his reports. Intensely absorbing is the graphic account of his own Return to the Fold You will wonder, as he did, at God’s loving persistence in tracking down His stray sheep.

certain

© Nazi puitosoruy is more dangerous even than Nazi armies. So Louis J. A Mercier rightly believes. In his article, Nazi Worship of Self, he analyzes Rosenberg’s The Myth of the Twentieth Century, which is the gospel of Nazism. At the root of unnecessary lust for power, of racial hatreds, of indiscriminate persecution is the rejection of God.

‘This is not a propaganda piece. It is a calm exposition of Nazi principles by a highly esteemed scholar, It is a warning also by a man who has the courage to prophesy where pagan principles will lead any nation which ac- cepts them. © Over SePremBeR IssuE was on the press before Dr. Josern F. THornine arrived in New York with a group of American students who had studied at the San Marcos

130

Summer School in Lima, Peru. Now, in South American Welcome, he reports on the highly successful project for spiritual and cultural relationships.

Details are given of the pleasant trip, the friendly welcome, and the enthusiastic co-operation which de. lighted all the members of the Seminar, This report will serve to answer the questions of those who have inquired about the progress of our voyagers to Peru, We are sure it will also lead to further interest in next year’s Seminar for which preparations will soon begin.

© Tur Passionists in Cutna and the Sisters associated with them continue their heroic labors during the tur- moil of war. This month their activities are described in three articles: Heaven is Nice by WENDELIN Moore, C,P., Yiianling Confirmation by Kieran RICHARDsON, C.P., and A True Daughter of St. Vincent de Paul by Bona- VENTURE GRIFFITHS, C.P.

© Wetcome pisrractrion from the unpleasant headlines of the day is an occasional bit of fiction. ‘Two expert story tellers contribute enjoyable tales—KATHERINE HAvILAND TAYLor and Enip Dinnis. The first unfolds a young lady’s experiences in The House of Success; the second sends us, from London, Mr. Michael Backs the Angels.

@ Sacery does THEopore Maynarp remark, “A dogma is defined only when it is challenged; a law is made to clarify a situation.” His study of the Toleration Act of 1649 is discussed in his article, Pioneers of American Tolerance. At a time when freedom of worship is vio- lated in Russia and Germany, and is threatened in other nations, this chapter from the author’s forthcoming book will be ap- preciated. Macmil- lan announces its publication under the title, The Story of American Ca- tholicism.

By the general literary public, as well as by his Cath- olic readers, the au- thor is held in high regard. His many books are witnesses to his thorough scholarship and his uncompromising honesty. He is pos- sessed of a gifted and tireless pen.

Theodore Maynard

EDITORIAL

The Sign Seminar Heports @

RIMMING over with enthusiasm, the first group of The Sign Seminar—under the direction of Dr. Joseph F. Thorning—returned from South America a few days after our September issue went to press. This Seminar, we note for the information of our new subscribers, was composed of teachers and students who attended the San Marcos University Summer School in Lima, Peru. Sponsored by THE SIGN, it was the first Catholic group from the United States to make these studies.

It is not our intention to shake hands with ourselves. But we know that many of our readers are sincerely interested in this cultural venture, and that others are waiting to join our next year’s group. So, to the report from the Seminar Director and to the Resolutions and letters of its members appearing in this issue, we add this editorial comment.

The rich and satisfying experiences of the Seminar confirm what many Americans in high positions have not yet grasped sufficiently—that a correct approach to Ibero-American relationships is absolutely neces-

» South Americans, while they recognize liberty of conscience, do not welcome proselytizers who would rob them of their Catholic Faith.

South Americans cannot regard highly those “cul- tural representatives” from the United States who do not know, and who do no even attempt to learn, Ibero- American languages.

South Americans, while proud of their ancestry, do not like the racial discriminations of their northern neighbors—discriminations which appear as hypocrit- ical aping of the Nazi blood myth.

South Americans base their reasons for friendliness on a belief in the Mystical Body of Christ. To non- from the United States this is a papish de- usion.

South Americans wonder why some of our citizens who have good jobs as friendship builders look down on Ibero-American culture, and have sincere regard only for Nordic achievements.

South Americans justly believe that Catholic citi- zens of the United States are far better equipped to be embassadors of good will to Ibero-Americans than are their non-Catholic brethren. This is not bigotry, but an obviously logical conclusion from the fact that South and Central America are so overwhelmingly Catholic.

South Americans will be happy to count us as friends. But they do not want our present overtures to be a salesman’s flirtation. They want us to like them for what they are, and for our common interests— not just for what we can get out of them.

These are some of the opinions reported by our Seminar members. Consideration should be given these opinions. For without an intelligent and sympa- thetic appreciation of our Ibero-American neighbors, we shall make little progress in the cultivation of en- during good will. The mere expenditure of millions of dollars, no matter how good the intentions of the dis- tributors, cannot of itself preserve true friendship.

One of the Sisters on the Seminar said that she went to learn “with the humility of intelligence.” That was the spirit of the group. Learn they did, from the Presi- dent of Peru as well as from the smallest urchin on the street. Received with affectionate warmth, and enter- tained by State and Church officials, they were

ared to engage wholeheartedly in their studies at Slivete Summer School. As open-minded observers and industrious students, but above all as sympathetic Catholic citizens from the United States, they gave as well as received good will.

) paper: a few months ago so many who applied at the last moment were unable to obtain accom- modations, an earlier start will be made for next year’s Seminar. As our program develops we shall be pleased to pass on details to individuals or organiza- tions. All who participated this year are convinced that from this splendid beginning a large and fruitful growth of Catholic co-operation can result. We know now that Catholic groups are welcome in South Amer- ica; that they can equip themselves for further service in this movement; that the peoples of Ibero-America look to them to take an increasingly active part in the United States’ program for cultural relationships.

Those who are unable to travel to distant lands can be quite useful in promoting this cultural program here. We suggest that you read and act on the Resolu- tions of The Sign Seminar.

G

On January go of this year Hitler proclaimed: “Who- ever believes he can help England must one day, under all circumstances, know that every ship that comes before our torpedo tubes, whether with or without convoy, will be torpedoed.” On Septem- ber 12 President Roosevelt declared: “In the waters which we deem necessary for our defense, American naval vessels and American planes will no longer wait until Axis submarines lurking under the water, or Axis

raiders on the surface of the sea, strike their deadly blow—first.

From Neutrality to Undeclared War

“Upon our naval and air patrol—now operating in large numbers over a vast expanse of the Atlantic Ocean —falls the duty of maintaining the American policy of freedom of the seas—now.”

These two declarations illustrate the impasse which has been reached in relations between the United States and Germany. Either President Roosevelt or Herr Hitler will have to back down, if war is to be avoided, and since neither is likely to do so, the prospect is war.

The steps by which the United States has reached the present situation have been many, but they have all led in the same direction. Before the outbreak of hostilities we thought we had guaranteed our non- participation by the Neutrality Act which left us legally neutral. By that Act we gave up much that we had previously claimed as a right and had even fought for in the course of our history.

After the outbreak of the present war American neutrality began rapidly to disappear. The embargo on arms was lifted to permit shipment of munitions to the Allies. After the fall of France the destroyers- bases deal was made, the Lease-Lend Act was passed, and vast sums were appropriated to implement that Act. The United States thus became the “arsenal of the democracies.”” With President Roosevelt’s recent speech on freedom of the seas, a further step was taken guar- anteeing the safe delivery of the products of the “arsenal of democracy

The lines of battle are drawn. Germany realizes that the decisive battle of the war will be the battle of the Atlantic and that she will lose it if she permits free passage across the ocean of ships bearing supplies and munitions to England. On the other hand the Administration believes that the Nazi menace must be crushed and that the only effective means to that end is to guarantee the passage of Lease-Lend material to Britain.

Since neither side will back down, there seems to be at least at this moment—only one possible solution, and that is war—declared or undeclared.

Cer noon

132

Tr 1s futile at present to soothe one’s fears by recalling that a vast majority of the American people desire peace and are resolved not to be drawn into a shooting war.

The fact is that for all prac- D nN tical purposes the Adminis-

= ot tration has already put us in

Recognizing Danger a state of undeclared war

+ with Germany. The Presi- dent once said that “shooting means war” and he him- self has given the orders to shoot. We are now in a position from which it is psychologically impossible to turn back.

The danger of our present situation is that we do not realize our danger. For two years we have been marching along the road to war, telling ourselves that we should stop short of war, that we should draw back when we face the final stark reality. As a result we have been living in a fool’s paradise. Our actions and our words are in complete disagreement. We declare ourselves neutral and crystallize our neutrality in a legal act. Then we transfer fifty destroyers to Britain, we pass the Lease-Lend Act and appropriate vast sums under that Act, we secure naval and air bases in the Atlantic, and occupy Greenland and Iceland, and finally we order our Navy to destroy German boats 1n certain areas of the sea.

During this same period we refuse to make sacrifices in order to arm ourselves, we try to continue “business as usual,” we grumble at high taxes, our workmen in defense industries strike for higher wages and more privileges, our rearmament efforts are muddled and in- efficient, the morale of our Army is at low ebb, and the Army itself is saved from dissolution by one vote in Congress.

We can’t have it both ways. We can’t follow the road to war and expect to arrive at peace. In these pages we have constantly advocated a policy of peace and non- involvement in the present war, but if the American people are going to be led to war, then let us have done with wishful thinking and prepare adequately for the hell that lies ahead.

Dectamunec on the advantages of life in these demo- cratic United States, the author of “Topics of the Times” in the New York Times summed up some of the privileges of the ordinary American citizen. The ordi- nary American has more comfort, more good times, more of an opportunity to be himself and to do what he likes to do than any other average man on earth. Here in the United States, with seven per cent of the world’s population, is about half

The Good Things of Life

MMENT

Octobe

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October. 1941

of the world’s wealth. Here are seventy per cent of the world’s automobiles, and an American’s chance of driv- ing one of them is one in four as compared with the average Italian’s chance of one in ninety-three.

Here in the United States are more privately owned homes per family, more life insurance policies, more savings accounts, more medical care, more children in college than anywhere else in the universe. Here the average gainfully employed person works, in normal times, but forty hours a week, and his hourly wage buys seven times as much food as the Russian wage before the war, and two and one-half times as much as the British or French.

Surely this is a beautiful picture of life at its material best. We Americans have much for which to be thank- ful. We need to be reminded of these benefits occasion- ally lest we lose our appreciation of them.

Wuen recalling the benefits of life in these United States and declaiming on the glories of democracy, we should not forget that there is another side to the pic- ture. Many of our democratic ideals have never been real- ized. There is still a vast amount of misery and pov- erty and suffering here in America. Hitler can tell his people with a certain amount of truth that the democracies have not provided equality of opportunity for youth, that they have failed to establish elevated standards of social responsibility for the underprivileged, and that the freedom which they talk about so much has often been freedom for the rich and powerful to oppress the poor and weak.

In the matter of so simple and essential a thing as food, it has been found that approximately twenty mil- lion Americans spend about one dollar a week for food —about five cents a meal. Last year 250,000 babies. were born in the United States without medical care. Almost half of our people are living below what can be con- sidered a minimum level of subsistence.

We have often permitted a monopolistic capitalism to freeze credit, to concentrate wealth in the hands of a few, to exclude labor from a just share in the profits of industry, and to exalt above measure the rights of property. We have permitted subversive groups and racketeers to insinuate themselves into the ranks of labor unions where they serve a foreign master or line their own pockets with the hard-earned wages of the workingman. We have established a system of education which ignores and even rejects God and religion, and which in doing so undermines the very foundations of democracy, for the fundamental principle of any democracy must be that individual rights and liberties come from God and not from the State. We have boasted of our tolerance but in actual practice there has been and still is a vast amount of racial and religious in- tolerance here in America.

When we recall the advantages of life in the United States and the glories of our democracy, we should re- member that there is still much to be done to reduce our ideals to practice. It is stupid of us to play the ostrich and attempt to hide from the facts. Nor does it help any to point out that conditions are worse in the totalitarian countries. There is much that is evil in

Our Democracy Not Perfect

133

the actual working of our democratic system and we should face the facts and find the remedies. If the democracy is worth fighting for abroad it is worth fight- ing for at home. There is not much glamour in the fight on the home front, but even more glorious than a victory over Hitler would be a victory at home over poverty, disease, injustice, and ignorance.

Ir is not surprising that the Administration’s de- cision to send aid to the beleagured Reds was received with more or less equanimity by the American public

and with outright pleasure

and hearty approval by cer- Propaganda tain groups. It has long been Barrage an indication of “liberal-

ism” with many in_ this country, especially with those who pose as “intellec- tuals,” to manifest a noisy belligerence toward Fascism and Nazism but to display a broad and easy tolerance toward Communism. An invidious distinction is made between totalitarianism of the right and its equally black and bloody twin, totalitarianism of the left.

The Communists have sold themselves well here in America. They have always succeeded in securing the services either of willing tools or of “innocents” who should know better. Their propagandists and fellow travelers have numbered some of our best- known foreign correspondents, columnists, authors, playwrights, artists, and literary critics. They have had sympathizers and helpers in high posts in Wash- ington. Communist agents have muscled their way into labor unions, or wormed their way into pacifist organizations, youth movements, Negro societies, the WPA, and into various social and political groups.

The Communists, their fellow travelers, and “inno- cents” suffered an eclipse after the Russo-German pact and the Russian attack on Finland. But now the merry-go-round has made a complete turn; the Com- munists are on the right side again. They have shed the sackcloth and ashes they had been wearing since August 1939 and have put on the mantle and halo of resisters of aggression and defenders of democracy.

We had better get ready for the propaganda bar- rage that is to come. We are going to be told by the Red emissaries that our common danger indicates a community of interests, that Communism is essen- tially democratic, that partnership in opposing Hit- lerism indicates a common ideology, and so on, usque ad nauseam. Fawning little Russian Ambassador Oumansky, evidently enjoying his new role of unex- pected respectability, has already been pictured in papers and in- newsreels shaking hands with a high government official while he declares that by invading Russia, Germany “is threatening the security and in- dependence of all freedom-loving nations, and that this threat naturally creates a community of interest of national defense of those nations.”

Even cunning littke Oumansky must have had his tongue in his cheek when he spoke those lines.

Recently Oumansky returned to Moscow, where, if he avoids the concentration camps that harbor:so many former Ambassadors, he is to investigate the needs of the Reds in their fratricidal fight with the Nazis, in the hope that Uncle Sam will generously fill those needs.

Resolutions of

THe Sicw Seminar

N THEIR RETURN TRIP from Peru 6) to the United States, members of The Sign Seminar were greeted at Colombia by the Pax Romana delegates. An enthusiastic joint meeting was held aboard the S. S. Santa Elena. After an exchange of impressions and views, members of both groups unanimously voted a set of resolutions. We publish these with the sincere hope that the readers of THE Sicn will co-operate in every way possible in making these resolutions effective.

Sincerity and intelligence characterize these resolutions. They can be readily subscribed to by all who wish the present movement for better relationships with Ibero-America to be enduring. Spiritual foundations for a good neighbor policy are not only desirable. They are absolutely necessary. And in establishing these foundations the Catholics of the United States should have the most prominent part.

I

WHEREAS, We citizens of the Western Hem- isphere enjoy the blessings of civil and re- ligious liberty, thanks to our free, democratic institutions; and

Wuereas, Those rights are best preserved against dictatorship and totalitarian aggres- sion by a loyal adherence to constitutional methods, even in time of war; and

Wuereas, Democracy will only function effectively where there is an equitable dis- tribution of wealth and income; and

Wuereas, Christianity is the most impor- tant link between the Americas, due to the fact that 95 per cent of the people of Ibero- America profess Catholicism, therefore be it

Resolved that we, the members of The Sign First Catholic Seminar to South America and the delegations of Pax Romana from Canada and the United States declare our un- flinching devotion to the ideals of liberty em- bodied in the Magna Charta and the Bill of Rights; and be it further

Resolved that we the members of the above- mentioned delegations reassert the basic Christian and democratic principle that there are no just powers of administration which do not derive their sanction from the consent of the governed; and be it further

Resolved that we pledge ourselves to a prompt, adequate application throughout the Western Hemisphere of the Papal program of social justice embodied in the Rerum No- varum of Leo XIII, the Quadragesimo Anno of Pius XI and the Summi Pontificatus of Pius XII; and be it further

Resolved that we bring to the attention of our respective governments the desirability, upon patriotic, spiritual grounds, of provid- ing a fair proportion of qualified Catholics upon all Inter-American committees, commis- sions, bureaus and conferences, especially since present practice, in some areas, amounts to a regrettable neglect, if not actual dis- crimination.

II

Wuereas, The program of Spiritual Inter- Americanism, sponsored by THE _ SIGN, namely Seminars to Ibero-America and The Sign Las Americas Awards, deserves the com- plete endorsement of all who believe in Chris- tian democracy and the supremacy of the spiritual values in life, be it

Resolved that we encourage and support this interchange by every available means— international student radio programs, inter- change of publications, correspondence, stu- dent reports, etc., and be it further

Resolved that we, the combined delegations of the Pax Romana and The Sign First Cath- olic Seminar to South America recommend that the Seminar program be extended to every Republic of the Western Hemisphere and that the possibilities of the Seminar be studied with respect to an interchange be- tween Canada and the United States.

“Landing of the Maryland Colonists” well-known painting by Lentze

Courtesy of Maryland Historwal Society

Pioneers of American Tolerance

Tx first actual attempt at an English colony in America was a Catholic one. This occurred in 1584, when Sir Humphrey Gilbert carried 260 recusants across the Atlantic to dump them on the coast of Maine. So desperate was their situation at home that even the bleak shores of “Norumbega” seemed a desirable refuge. The scheme was a fiasco. The largest ship went down with most of the stores, and on their way back to England Gilbert and many of his Catholic colonists were lost off the Azores.

Sir Walter Raleigh later took over the plans of Sir Humphrey (who was his half-brother), at the same time dropping the Catholic part of them, as papists would: only hamper the Virginian enterprise. Moreover, Sir Richard Grenville, whom he induced to take charge of the 180 settlers at Roanoke Island in 1585, was a notorious anti-Cath- olic. This second group also met with failure.

Not until peace had been signed

By THEODORE MAYNARD

with Spain in the reign of James I did such projects get underway again. And again the project was a Catholic one—backed this time by Lord Arun- del of Wardour and the Earl of Southampton. The two noblemen themselves went out for a while to a new settlement in Maine on the Ken- nebec, and with them went a couple of priests It is worthy of note that we have here, long before Maryland, a foreshadowing of the Maryland idea: the Catholics and the Protes- tants used the same church and agreed to respect one another’s re- ligion. It was because of the argu- ments of the famous Jesuit, Father Robert Persons, that Arundel de- cided to abandon a plan which could not hope to receive official recogni- tion

lt was the Catholics therefore who first thought of America—even in their abortive experiment in Maine in 1607—as a place where Protestants and Catholics alike could live together peacefully and enjoy religious liberty.

135

The credit for carrying this con- cept into execution must be given to Sir George Calvert. In 1620 he bought from Sir William Vaughan the patent he possessed for part of Newfoundland. Two years later he sent a body of colonists there to a place he named Avalon. He was as yet not a Catholic though, as he was born in Yorkshire, the most strongly Catholic part of England, we may surmise that, like so many men of that age, he had a vague sympathy for the “Old Religion” long before he openly accepted it. Even in Avalon he tried to provide for religious freedom.

His adhesion to Catholicism in 1625 necessitated his resignation of the position of Secretary of State. But King James, while perforce ac- cepting it, created his friend Baron Baltimore and continued to further his colonization schemes. The new Baron retained enough political in- fluence to prevent the Virginia Com- pany from taking over the territory south of the James River.

136

\valon seemed to be promising enough for Calvert to visit it in 1627 and to take his second wife and their children there. His sons Cecil and Leonard, by a previous marriage, were already grown men. They never saw the country which the first re- ports described as a paradise—or the mermaid which others caught sight of in the harbor. Their father, meet- ing difficulties—on the one hand from the French who regarded him as an intruder, and on the other, from some of his colonists who objected to his toleration of Popery—decided to abandon Avalon. In any event the northern winter was too severe. It was in search of a better climate that George Calvert sailed south. He reached Jamestown October 1, 1629.

Ne would have supposed that the \tlantic coast would have been large enough for many settlements. Those in possession did not think so; and Lord Baltimore was, to make things worse, a Catholic. To get rid of him the Virginia authorities in- sisted that he take the Oath of Su- premacy, though the King had al- ready so far stretched a point as to give him a special exemption in this regard. Perhaps they remembered against him that it was he who had estopped their spreading southward. They were certainly anything but friendly to him.

But Calvert had seen the Chesa- peake Bay region and was now de- termined to settle there if he could. In search of the concession he sailed for England, leaving his wife and children behind. It may be his grief at their perishing at sea when they followed him a little later that was responsible for his death at the age of fifty-two. Before dying, however, he had obtained the charter for Maryland. It was this that he be- queathed to his son Cecil. Under its terms he was to be virtually autonomous and could rule his ter- ritories as a prince. The charter he received gave him rights such as were never accorded to any other proprie- tary. They extended not only over the present Maryland but also Dela- ware and part of Pennsylvania.

An exclusively Catholic colony was never in the Baron’s mind. Had he attempted to establish one there can be no doubt that the English au- thorities would have forbidden it. His intention was to prove that it

was possible to have Catholics and Protestants living in amity side by side on a perfect equality, and so provide a model that others might copy. In this he was perfectly disin- terested. His harder-headed son, Cecil, though loyal to his father’s principles, realized that, if Maryland was to be made to pay—and he was very keen on his profits—he must offer inducements to Protestant set- tlers, as he could not get a sufficient number of Catholics to go out. That is why (as we know from an entry in Winthrop’s Journal for 1643) Mas- sachusetts Bay was invited to send any people it could spare. They were assured of a welcome and of religious freedom.

Cecil Calvert was appointed Pro- prietary when the Maryland charter was finally drawn up, his father hav- ing died before the document was signed. To George Calvert must go the credit of its central idea; to Cecil, the credit for putting it in operation. But the son probably would never have obtained his concession had it not been for the father’s friendship with James I and the new king.

Nor must Charles I be denied some credit. Without his sympathetic in- terest the Maryland scheme would have come to nothing. He was known to have a personal fondness for Cath- olics, though he had repudiated the terms in his marriage contract call- ing for toleration of Catholicism. If this action is far from being praise- worthy, it may be said in his ex- tenuation that he had a Puritan Parliament to contend with and had to placate bigots who were suspicious of his well-known ‘“Anglo-Catholi- cism.” This being the case, what he did for the Calverts must be acknowl- edged to have been a great deal.

Certain things should be noted about the actual application of Cecil Calvert’s palatine prerogatives. One is that under them he was able to send Jesuits to Maryland when the settlement was made in 1634. An- other is that he and the King ven- tured upon a name of definitely Catholic connotation. For though it was prudently given out that Mary- land was called after Queen Henri- etta Marie, everybody understood that a kind of pious double entendre was involved. Finally—and here we come to the explanation of Mary- land’s early history—a thorough-go- ing exercise of the palatine powers

THE ‘f Sicy given to the Proprietary by the char. ter did not prove feasible. From the beginning an assembly was estab. lished, in which all freemen, irre. spective of property qualifications, had the right, and” indeed the obji. gation, to vote. Although the Pro. prietary looked upon this assembly as having merely advisory functions, it soon began to act as though it had the right of initiating legislation, The air of America went to the head like wine.

It was on this account that some friction arose between Calvert and the Marylanders, though never enough to cause open conflict. There was al- ways at hand Leonard Calvert, the Proprietary’s brother, who had been appointed Governor, and he was usu- ally able to smooth over threatening difficulties. But the point to remen- ber is that neither side ever gave in: Lord Baltimore continued to assert his palatine privileges, while the colonists considered that, as_ they were on the spot, they should be free to direct their own affairs. The result was that a modus agendi came about. The colony was in fact largely self-governing; at the same time it made a theoretical acknowledgment of the palatine prerogatives—on con- dition that Lord Baltimore was care- ful not to exercise them in important matters. Because of this, Maryland was, of all the English colonies, the most independent. For whereas the others were ruled by governors ap pointed directly by the Crown (though they, too, were inclined to assert democratic rights), Maryland had a Governor appointed by the Proprietary who, in his turn, de pended on the Crown. Ultimate au thority being placed at a further remove meant greater liberty for Maryland.

HATEVER Cecil Calvert was, he

was not an idealist with his head in the clouds. Had he been one, his colony in all likelihood would not have been a success. This does not mean, of course, that he was without ideals, but that they were balanced and controlled by his business in- stincts and his aptitude for politics. There is no need to be sentimental about the second Lord Baltimore. He was just and honest and he did, after all, carry out his finer-grained father’s ideas. At the same time, he never forgot his own interests.

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